EDDIE TANAGO
Campaign Manager | Act Now!

PORT MORESBY – Recent news story about communities in Morobe using profits from cocoa farming to pay for solar powered street lights in their villages is encouraging and positive.

Such initiatives drive economic independence, a sense of community and self-reliance.

This is the kind of development our forefathers envisioned in the Constitution and is the eventual development path for Papua New Guinea that is captured well in our Preamble and in the Five National Goals and Directive Principles.

Our National Goal number three is National Sovereignty and Self Reliance: “We declare our third goal to be for Papua New Guinea to be politically and economically independent, and our economy basically self-reliant.”

Unfortunately, this has not been the development path that successive governments have followed since PNG’s independence. The country has gone in the opposite direction and against the wishes and spirit of our Constitution because of bad political decisions and corruption.

As a result, our country is now more dependent on foreign aid, foreign owned corporations and large scale resource extraction which destroys communities and our natural environment.

Through aid and exaggerated promises, outsiders influence our political decisions and legislations and create reforms that benefit their interests, thus killing our independence and allowing corruption to flourish.

Corruption is one of the biggest hindrances to basic service delivery to local communities as shown clearly in the misuse and abuse of district service improvement program funds blocking service delivery.

While foreign owned corporations have been welcomed in to extract our resources with the false promise that exports will drive more revenue into the economy, the impact has been that we have developed a dependent mindset and become lazy.

It has made us look to outsiders to provide for all our development needs. This has disempowered the majority of the rural population.

We have failed to realise that foreign owned multinational corporations are only here to make profits, not provide services.

In the course of doing business, they take away all our customary lands, rip out our forests, pollute our rivers and streams and seas. They displace us internally, create more social issues and breach our human and cultural rights and leave us with many eternal social and environmental scars to show our future generation.

The profits from their destruction are kept offshore in tax havens, while bones are thrown at us to fight over.

So sad. We have seen this happen over and over again in the last 50 years, yet our decision makers and politicians never learn and repeat the same development dependency narrative expecting different results.

No doubt, the proposed Freida River, Wafi/Golpu and Papua LNG projects will be the same. We will be spectators while the foreign owned shareholders of these destructive developments will be cashing in at the expense our dependence and miseries.

What can be done now? The answers are right before our eyes.

There are numerous examples that show the potential of our customary land when it is still in the custody of local people without having it given away to foreigners. The successful cocoa stories from East Sepik, Buka and Nasuapin Village in Morobe Province tell a lot about the potential our land has for us.

A recent ANZ report has also highlighted how local agriculture, especially cocoa and coffee, can boost our economy and empower rural people to deliver meaningful change.

Remember, when Papua New Guineans are in charge of the development, monies are kept in the country, we decide our future and become economically independent. But we need a government that supports local and small economies to thrive by providing extension services, infrastructure and market access.

If East Sepik Province can generate K1 billion per year using cocoa, imagine the potential the whole country has when our people are empowered and people are put at the centre of development.

Time to rethink the next 50 years!

JOHN MENADUE

On almost every measure, Australia has gone backwards on engaging with our region, and particularly with China, and it is time to do something about it.

As a settler society we cling to our history with the UK, Europe and now the US. We are fearful of our geography. We have failed so far to reconcile our history and geography.

We remain reluctant to embrace our region. For example, Australian and Chinese histories, cultures and systems of government are different, so we must learn about each other. If we don’t, we will make mistakes again and again.

We need to be much more Asia-literate. Unfortunately, there has been a dramatic reduction in learning about Asia in our schools, universities, businesses and the media.

Our learning retreat from Asia has become a rout. By almost any test, we fail in our learning and understanding of Asia, and particularly China.

Many of the people briefing the government are what Paul Keating calls Austral Americans with views shaped by US agencies, think-tanks, media, the military/industrial complex and even Hollywood. They regard the Americanisation of our country as normal and even desirable.

The voices concerned about our future in Asia are discounted as naïve or even foolish. Let’s cling to the US come hell or high water. Even Donald Trump. Don’t worry, it will all self-correct!

With a lull now in the hostility between Australia and China, we have an opportunity to promote cultural understanding and personal links. Much remains to be done.

Two decades ago, I was pessimistic about our understanding of Asia. The situation has got markedly worse since then, writ large in the unremitting attacks on China stemming from ignorance and parochialism, particularly in our White Man’s Media.

The “Red Alert” series of alarmist articles run by the Sydney Morning Herald and The Age just over two years ago was typical of our ignorance and prejudice about our region and China in particular. It reached its peak when the SMH ran an editorial headed China is the clear and present danger, Mr Keating, so let us call a spade a spade.

It was a disgrace to any media that even kidded itself that it was competent. Paul Keating correctly described the series as “the most egregious and provocative news presentation in five decades.”

The editors and journalists responsible for this nonsense still have their jobs! Tory Maguire, the Executive Editor, told us that “Peter Hartcher and Matthew Knott are two of the country’s most highly respected journalists.”

We are so used to being told and doing what Washington wants that we find it hard to make up our own mind on what is in our national interest. And our failure to think for ourselves is going to become even more critical with China, which is growing dramatically in influence.

There is no long-term future for us in our region as the proxy or spear carrier for the US.

We will not find “security within our region,” as Paul Keating put it, without knowing Asia much better. We are over-informed and seduced by American power and influence. For most Australians, Asia is a closed book.

Since our settlement as a small, remote “white” English-speaking community, we have been afraid of Asia and its large populations. We have clung to remote global powers for protection – Britain, and now the United States.

Some are working to find a way out of this fear of Asia, but our fear keeps raising its head and is easily exploited by opportunists.

We have broken the back of White Australia, but it keeps coming back, particularly since the time of John Howard and Pauline Hanson. Tony Abbott’s and Scott Morrison’s campaign to demonise asylum seekers is really a proxy for a campaign on race.

The campaign against Chinese investment is really a replay of the hostility to Japanese investment 30 years ago. In the 1980s, our media was full of hostility to Japanese investment, even though Japan and, more recently, China have a quite small proportion of the stock of foreign direct investment in Australia.

We have turned our back on Asia in almost all fields.

It seems counter-intuitive when one considers the Asian presence – students, visitors, and trade. But we are probably less Asia-ready than we were 20 years ago.

In the 1980s and early 1990s, at the time of the Garnaut report, we were making progress in such areas as Asian language learning, media interest in Asia and cultural exchanges, but we have been “on smoko” for the past 20 years.

The White Paper on Australia in the Asian Century recommended that by 2025 “studies of Asia will be a core part of the Australian school curriculum and that all students will have continuous access to a priority Asian language – Chinese (Mandarin), Hindi, Indonesian and Japanese.”

Asian language learning and education funding at university are in decline. Indonesian language learning at our universities has plunged.

In March 1982, the Senate agreed to examine all aspects of language learning and use in Australia. This initiative sank without a trace. The national policy on Asian languages adopted by the Hawke Government and COAG also ran into the sand. The Rudd Government did likewise, but to no avail. It is a long story of failure.

Most Asian language learning is in crisis. French language learning is more popular. It may help tourists reading menus in France, but it is not much help in our region.

The Australian media is still embedded in our historical relationships with the UK, and the US.

The ABC does it better than other media, but it is still focused on trivial and legacy issues in London and New York. But we are not an island moored off London and New York.

The Henry Report on Australia and the Asian Century of 2012 was expunged from the Prime Minister and Cabinet website by Abbott. Access to it has not been restored under the Albanese Government.

The Security Treaty with Indonesia negotiated by Keating was torn up because of differences over East Timor.

Why did we retreat from Asia?

Change is always painful and the end of White Australia, particularly with the Indo-Chinese refugee program during the Fraser period, followed by the Hawke Government’s economic restructuring, was unsettling and painful for many.

An unsettled community provided an opportunity for Howard to reassure us that under his guidance we could be “relaxed and comfortable” again. Fear of Asia was engendered with dog whistling about Asian numbers and then boat arrivals. Howard was the big interruption in the process of Asian involvement and Asian literacy, although he tried to mend his ways in his later years as PM, particularly in relations with China.

But there is not only media failure. Our business sector has also failed us.

The business sector’s failure to skill itself for Asia has been a major barrier to developing Australia’s potential in the region and improving productivity in this country – something which the Business Council tells us about repeatedly. Business has not looked at its own performance – getting its own house in order.

I don’t think there is a chair, director, or chief executive of any of our top 200 companies who can fluently speak any Asian language. They show little interest in upskilling themselves or their staff. They appoint people like themselves.

This lack of knowledge and understanding of Asia in corporations has meant that university graduates with Asian skills have not found the employment opportunities they hoped for.

Julie Bishop’s New Colombo Plan is commendable, but faces similar problems, with Australian companies showing little interest in employing young Australians as they return from their experience in Asia.

Far too many Australian businesses opportunistically see Asia as customers of opportunity, rather than as partners. In the long term, trade and investment is about relationships of trust and understanding. That can’t be done through an intermediary or an interpreter.

The tide of serious interest in Asia by our large corporations is at a very low ebb.

China and the US – running with the hares and hunting with the hounds

As Malcolm Fraser pointed out in his Whitlam Oration in 2012, “unconditional support (for the US) diminishes our influence throughout East and South-East Asia.” Telling the Chinese that they are our most valued trading partner while blocking their investments and encouraging the US military colonisation of Northern Australia to contain their influence is not sustainable. It is quite bizarre and quite contrary to developing sound relations with China that we think that we can run with the hares and hunt with the hounds like this. It will inevitably catch up with us.

Diplomatic initiatives

The Henry Report in 2012 highlighted that “our diplomatic network will have a larger footprint across Asia supporting stronger, deeper and broader links with Asian nations.” It hasn’t occurred. There are very few people in Australia who have the faintest idea what, for example, Indonesia’s interests may be. When is the last time we heard a minister, politician or business leader talking about Indonesia in these terms? Our portrayal of Indonesia is invariably about cattle, drug runners in Bali and asylum boats.

Prime ministers make a priority of visiting Indonesia. The flags are waved. There is a martial parade and warm handshakes, but time and time again there is a lot of show but not much substance.

Improved diplomatic relations in our region is very hard going with DFAT invariably sidelined. What gets the ear of ministers, and particularly the prime minister and minister for defence, are our security/intelligence services that have been effectively colonised by the US agencies, and particularly the CIA which supplies about 90% of the content. No surprise then that US interests through the Five Eyes dominate government decision-making.

Donald Horne in the 1960s said that “Australia is a lucky country run by second-rate people who share its luck.” That is still true.

The key is for Australia to be open… open to new people, new investment, new trade, new languages, and new ideas. And stop deferring to Washington on almost all major issues.

We are both enriched and trapped by our Anglo-Celtic culture.

MICHAEL KABUNI | Academia Nomad

USAID has been responsible for half of long-term foreign assistance by the US government

PORT MORESBY – Whilst there’s much talk about the potential impact of cuts to USAID on the Pacific Islands, in the case of Papua New Guinea I cannot point to a specific USAID project and say with confidence it has transformed lives.

This is not a criticism of USAID. The quality of life in PNG is not the responsibility of foreign countries and donors. We Papua New Guineans get that.

But don’t use the Pacific as a justification for existence of USAID, or any donor aid.

Last week I sat through the 2025 PNG government-business breakfast in Port Moresby and the seminar presentations that followed. None of the PNG speakers mentioned USAID.

When they discussed the many issues affecting PNG, they rightfully pointed to our government’s failure.

So discussions on the loss from USAID, which should be discussed on whatever merit it has, its importance to the Pacific, and certainly PNG, should not be overstated.

If PNG had substantial exports to the USA, and if there was a 25% tariff imposed on them, only then would we come close to discussing the impact of Trump on PNG.

At the moment, it’s as though there was no USAID in PNG. Yes, there may be some people somewhere who have lost jobs funded through a USAID project. But no one in PNG is discussing USAID in any substantial manner.

For Papua New Guineans, as the former president of Kenya said, we don’t pay taxes to the US. They can do whatever they want with their money.

We should just focus on holding our government accountable and on demanding better of it.

Now what about China: will it move in and fill the assumed void?

As Brian Kramer used to say: The short answer is NO!

If you want to talk about loans, China matters in the Pacific. Not USAID.

The Lowy Institute aid map clearly shows that Chinese aid is no match to Australian aid in the Pacific and PNG. Sometimes huge discrepancies exist between money promised and money given.

The Chinese are not big on climate change. And they don’t pretend to be. The avatar for such concerns is the West. But again, you cannot point to a climate initiative that has transformed anything.

So toktok lo skel blo toktok.

IAN LING-STUCKEY

PNG Minister for Treasury

State Owned Enterprises Minister William Duma, Treasurer Ian Ling-Stuckey and Foreign Affairs Minister Justin Tkachenko, Hilton Hotel, Port Moresby, December 2024

PORT MORESBY – The recent announcement of a K1.4 billion budget support loan from Australia is good news for Papua New Guinea.

The Australian loan interest of 4.2% is only half the rate of the expensive commercial loans pursued by the former O’Neill government of 8.4% plus high up-front costs in fees.

The disastrous 2018 Sovereign Bond is the main reason that PNG’s debt is rated as ‘high risk’ rather than ‘medium-risk but sustainable’.

This is because the full K2 billion of the 2018 Sovereign Bond must be repaid on a single day in August 2028.

I cannot understand how any responsible prime minister could have agreed to such onerous terms. Instead, the recent Australian loan will be repaid gradually over a period of 20 years.

One of the conditions of the Australian loan is for PNG to explore options, including with the International Monetary Fund, on how we deal with the bad ‘single bullet repayment’ terms of O’Neill’s Sovereign Bond loan.

O’Neill really has no credibility when he tries to lecture the Marape-Rosso Government on debt management and sustainability.

O’Neill is also misleading the public by suggesting that this loan will add to PNG’s debt levels. This is inaccurate.

This loan has been fully offset by a reduction in domestic borrowings in 2024. The Australian loan has been taken out as a better way to fund the 2024 Budget.

The initial plan had been to use more Treasury Bond financing, but this was adjusted during the year as the superannuation funds started investing more overseas and the banks started financing more dividend repatriations.

We were responsive to these changing market conditions, and sought, and obtained, this loan instead of our domestic borrowings.

PNG’s debt level on 31 December 2024 is actually estimated to be slightly lower than the 2024 MYEFO [mid-year economic and fiscal outlook] forecast. O’Neill simply doesn’t know what he’s talking about.

Improved economic management under the Marape-Rosso government is providing a much brighter future for PNG.

Our people suffered too much from 2012 to 2018 when living standards went backwards.

The record levels of sustained non-resource growth since 2020 is gradually turning this around, but our people are still much worse off than they were in 2012.

Part of our improved economic management is our Household Assistance Packages, designed to help ease these cost of living pressures.

Another key part is the 13-year Budget Repair Plan. The plan is based on returning to a budget surplus by 2027, and then giving the next parliament the option to start repaying all of PNG’s debt.

The plan is based on large cuts in the budget deficit of one billion kina a year. The level of these cuts is based on balancing the need for budget repair but not irresponsibly undermining our economy and the delivery of services.

PNG’s economic reform credibility is recognised by our international partners, including the international credit ratings agencies.

The budget deficit continues to be rapidly reduced, dropping from 8.9% of GDP in 2020, down to an estimated 2.2% in 2025, less than one-quarter.

We are on target for an estimated budget surplus by 2027, and when we hit the budget surplus, this means we start paying down our overall debt level.

On debt sustainability, our debt to GDP ratio has fallen from 52.6% of GDP in 2021, down to an estimated 47.1% in 2025.

As part of the 2025 Budget, we once again reduced the maximum level of the debt to GDP ratio in the Fiscal Responsibility Act down from 60% in 2023 to 55% in 2025.

We will continue lowering this peak level as the debt to GDP ratio is expected to fall below 30% by 2030.

The Australian loan support is greatly appreciated. On behalf of PNG, thank you to the Australian people.

Fortunately, there is no cost to the Australian taxpayer. PNG is benefitting from being able to borrow at Australia’s borrowing costs of 4.2%, rather than much higher international commercial rates.

PNG has never defaulted on a loan. We are repaying in full the earlier loans taken out from Australia, and our Budget Repair Plan will ensure we will continue to do so.

Once again, further evidence of the Marape-Rosso government’s sensible approach to building international partnerships and pursuing good, cheap budget support in line with PNG’s interests.

Ian Ling-Stuckey’s statement provided with thanks to Martyn Namorong

MICHAEL KABUNI | Academia Nomad

Natasha Turia Moka

CANBERRA – Papua New Guinean PhD student, Natasha Turia Moka, attending an Australasian aid conference in Canberra, has won a contest that challenged speakers to come up with a good idea to improve Australia’s aid program.

They were then given three minutes to present their ideas to the conference, the winner being decided by an online poll of the 500 people at the conference.

Natasha is at the Australian National University’s Department of Pacific Affairs researching labour mobility in PNG.

In her presentation she argued that aid succeeds at that point when the recipient country no longer requires support for its development.

She said that should be the goal of Australia’s aid to PNG and one way to achieve it would be to give PNG its own resident visa.

The current Pacific Engagement Visa allocates about 1,000 places for PNG out of the 3,000 people who apply.

Natasha argued that PNG’s for Papua New Guineans, despite PNG having 11 million people, easily the biggest population in the Pacific Islands region.

The annual conference attracts huge numbers of participants ranging from aid researchers to practitioners across the Pacific, Asia and beyond.

We PhD students at the Department of Pacific Affairs call Natasha “Pawa Meri” – as she juggles life with three of her four children as she studies for a doctorate.

And now she has won a competition against people of amazing calibre.

Congratulations Pawa Meri!

So toktok lo skel blo toktok.

CAROLYN BLACKLOCK*
| Pearls & Irritations | Republished from The Diplomat

Illustration from The China Times

PORT MORESBY – While Australia and China have very different approaches in Papua New Guinea, both are working primarily with political elites – and alienating the PNG public.

Two recent financial deals that seemingly benefit PNG indicate the problems at the heart of the country’s political and economic outlook.

Separate agreements between PNG and two rival partners, Australia and China, will have superficial upsides for all parties. But the ‘devil in the detail’ of each arrangement lays bare the reality that both countries are getting it wrong and all three will likely suffer the consequences.

In April, during Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi’s visit to PNG, the two sides sealed new deals improving PNG’s access to China’s market. In particular, two separate agreements allow direct exports of PNG’s unroasted coffee and cocoa beans to China. Both governments also pledged to push forward negotiations on a broader free trade agreement.

Calling the agreements “a huge success,” PNG’s foreign affairs minister Justin Tkatchenko boasted that the deals will benefit “over 80% of our people that live off the land and [allow] the farmers to become self-reliant.”

The geopolitical underpinnings of the breakthrough are clear. Tkatchenko noted pointedly at the press conference to announce the signing: “I want to take this opportunity to reassure foreign minister Wang Yi of PNG’s support for the ‘One China’ policy since both countries established diplomatic relations in 1976.”

During Wang’s visit, China and PNG also signed a funding agreement on information communication technology cooperation, continuing Beijing’s increasing control over PNG’s communications infrastructure.

PNG’s ‘Look North Policy’ has redirected its foreign energies away from traditional partners like Australia and New Zealand and toward Asia. It is part of the Marape government’s vision to increase PNG’s economic independence through a wider reach into more lucrative and populated markets.

While Beijing has been following the kind of tied investment and loans and program-aid approach embodied in the latest deals – maintaining its aggressively pro-China Belt and Road initiative – Australia has been taking a different route.

Soon after Wang’s visit to Port Moresby, Australia announced a K1.6 trillion budgetary assistance package for PNG.

Australia has been willing to prop up PNG’s government coffers in unrestricted aid injections such as this for some time. Over the last four years, Canberra has provided K6.7 billion in budget support funds, untied to program or sector outcomes.

Each was a retrospective fix for budgetary shortcomings in PNG’s bottom line the previous year. Australia’s money has few accountability mechanisms, even self-serving ones, and no real Australian private sector involvement.

While both Chinese and Australian approaches are clearly and significantly different, both are in fact joined in terms of their negative outcomes for PNG…

However, PNG remains a country in crisis. Even as trade deals are done with Beijing, and government coffers are filled by Canberra’s generous handouts, Papua New Guineans are questioning who is actually benefiting from the supposed progress.

Criticisms, not only of the current government but of the prevailing economic and political system, are building. Many people consider the country’s leaders to be interested only in their own power and wealth. Faith in PNG’s leaders is low.

Australia and China have very different approaches in PNG but they are united in finding ways to alienate the people they should be working with, Papua New Guineans themselves.

It’s clear that PNG’s political elite has been distracted by the region’s geostrategic tensions. PNG’s leaders have been caught playing China against the USA, the latter through its great ally Australia.

For Australia and its partners in the Pacific Islands region, the only sustainable direction is to redress this top-heavy approach. This means working more accountably, transparently and directly with the people of PNG and devising ways to bring them and Australians together.

For Canberra, a ‘third way’ favouring a people-centred relationship between Australians and Papua New Guineans will almost certainly provide not only greater regional stability but also plenty of popular support.

But a ‘third way’ would require new thinking, and that is a rare commodity in the current Indo-Pacific environment.

• Carolyn Blacklock. Following a successful corporate banking career working with Australian top tier banks, in 2009 Carolyn moved permanently to Papua New Guinea to establish the International Finance Corporation (the private sector arm of the World Bank) where she led the office for the next four years.

Following a stint overseeing key projects across the Pacific for Hawkins Infrastructure, New Zealand, Carolyn was engaged by the Government of PNG in Treasury as Specialist Adviser with a specific mandate to accelerate infrastructure development and create a pipeline of bankable projects to attract high quality developers and investors to PNG.

Carolyn was subsequently appointed by the PNG Cabinet as managing director at PNG Power, the country’s only provider of electricity. She led a team of 2,500 and an annual budget of over two trillion kina and oversaw a restructure of the company and revitalisation of assets, workforce and reliability.

Carolyn founded the PNG Business Coalition for Women, an organisation supporting safe and respectful workplaces for women. In 2018, Carolyn raised K4.7 billion and initiated the US, Japan, Australia, New Zealand and PNG Electrification Partnership to provide access to electricity for 70% of Papua New Guineans by 2030.

Carolyn is known for her track record of taking large, complex projects through to successful delivery with high energy and compassion. She serves on the Board of St Johns Ambulance PNG and is completing a Master of Chemical Engineering (Sustainable Energy) at the University of Queensland. She divides her time between Port Moresby and rural Queensland where she owns and operates a small cattle breeding enterprise in the Brisbane Valley.

ISO YAWI

“The integration of industry and academic experience is essential for driving progress and development” – Iso Yawi

LAE – Next Friday, 5 April, marks a significant day for the Papua New Guinea University of Technology, which will host its 56th graduation ceremony.

With the theme, “Impacting livelihood through the advancement of science and technology”, this event underscores the crucial role of education and innovation in shaping the future of our nation.

It is a theme that resonates deeply with me, prompting reflection on my journey in electrical engineering and nearly 10 years immersed in the telecommunications industry, specifically the monumental task of establishing the new Vodafone network from scratch.

I worked alongside a team of passionate engineers with experience at companies including Aviat Networks, Kacific, Speed Cast, Huawei, ZTE, PNG Data Co, PNG Power, and many more.

In this stimulating professional environment, I was compelled to revisit my own academic pursuits and study for a bachelor’s degree in electrical and communications engineering.

Transitioning from the dynamic world of industry to the academic realm was not without challenges.

As I delved into my degree program, I navigated between these two worlds, striving to apply my industry experience to the rigors of academic study.

My career has taken me across Papua New Guinea, exposing me to the tangible needs of communities.

It is evident that our country requires advancement in various sectors, including power systems, renewable energy, telecommunications, marine, mining, forestry, and overall economic development.

In remote places like Saruwaget in Morobe Province, where traditional electricity infrastructure is impractical due to challenging terrain, simple solutions like solar panels provide hope and much-needed power for basic needs.

Similarly, the lack of telecommunications coverage in areas like Baining in East New Britain underscores the urgent need for connectivity, which I witnessed firsthand while deploying Vodafone infrastructure there and in other remote regions.

Access to reliable energy sources is essential for everyday life in communities across PNG—whether it’s a simple light powered by a 12-volt battery in Telefomin or the stability of large-scale power grids in urban centers.

In the academic realm, I encountered a wealth of theoretical knowledge that provided a deeper understanding of the fundamental principles of electrical engineering.

My courses ranged from circuit analysis to power systems engineering, equipping me with the theoretical framework necessary to tackle real-world problems.

Engaging with professors and peers in academic discussions fostered critical thinking and problem-solving skills, enabling me to approach challenges with a systematic and analytical mindset.

However, it has been my experiences in the telecommunications industry that truly enriched my understanding of electrical engineering.

Working alongside seasoned professionals, I gained practical insights into the design, implementation, and maintenance of telecommunications networks. From laying fiber optic cables to configuring network equipment, every aspect of my work contributed to my professional growth.

My most memorable experiences have been the deployment of telecommunications infrastructure in remote regions. These projects deeply impacted the communities they served and were technologically challenging. Witnessing the joy and gratitude of villagers as they gained access to communication services reinforced my belief in the transformative power of technology.

Moreover, these experiences exposed me to the necessity and complexities of project management, teamwork, and client interaction. Balancing technical requirements with budgetary constraints and stakeholder expectations taught me invaluable lessons in leadership and communication—whether coordinating with suppliers to procure equipment or liaising with government agencies to obtain permits.

There are countless opportunities at the intersection of industry and academia. By bridging the gap between theory and practice, we can unlock new avenues of innovation and drive sustainable development.

Academic research can inform industry practices, leading to the development of new technologies and methodologies. Industry insights can inspire academic inquiry, guiding researchers toward relevant and impactful areas of study.

Collaboration between academia and industry can facilitate the transfer of knowledge and expertise, nurturing a culture of lifelong learning and professional development.

By fostering partnerships between universities, research institutions, and corporations, we can create ecosystems that support innovation and entrepreneurship.

In Papua New Guinea, where the challenges of development are manifold, the need for collaboration between industry and academia is particularly important for the growth and prosperity of our society.

Whether it’s addressing energy poverty, improving infrastructure, or expanding access to communication services, the convergence of academic research and industrial expertise can lead to innovative solutions that have a lasting impact on society.

The integration of industry and academic experience is essential for driving progress and development in electrical engineering.

By leveraging the complementary strengths of both sectors, we can tackle complex challenges, develop new solutions, and create a brighter future for PNG.

The University of Technology’s 56th graduation ceremony is a moment to reaffirm our commitment to advancing science and technology for the betterment of all.

Together, we can build a more prosperous and sustainable future for our nation.

KEITH JACKSON

The bond of friendship [Generated with AI by Bing]

NOOSA – I once served a short and turbulent period as president of the Papua New Guinea Association of Australia (PNGAA).

One of the matters I attended to was a change in the Association’s Constitution to mandate it to become even closer to PNG and its people.

The result was the addition of two resounding and pre-eminent clauses to the Constitution, mandating it “to strengthen the civil relationship between the peoples of Australia and Papua New Guinea” and “to foster and encourage contact and friendship with Papua New Guineans and promote friendly association among members.”

Members overwhelmingly voted to adopt these changes, which more clearly defined the PNGAA as an association whose members had a deep and enduring affection for PNG and its people.

Now, not for the first time, a situation has developed where that legacy needs to be defended.

The PNGAA’s activities include production of the admirable quarterly journal, Kundu, a scholarship fund, a website rich in the history of PNG, PNG-related events, and the valuable PNGAA Collection.

The association’s management committee is now calling for help because the committee “has several gaps which need urgent attention… to ensure that the PNGAA operations can continue.”

These are important positions indeed, including a new president, magazine editor, events coordinator, public officer, and committee members.

I don’t have to explain to readers that such positions are the core of any association, hence the notation that, should they not be filled, the PNGAA’s operations will cease.

Here’s a summary of the association’s plea to members:

If you are flexible, proactive, have communication skills, and enjoy speaking with people, then there is a role for you. There are between three and five committee meetings a year, and, thanks to modern technology, members can be located anywhere.

The president’s role is to be passionate about the significance of the association and its unique role in the Australian-PNG relationship, to be proactive, a team player, and to be “revered by the association and associated networks.”

The editor’s role is to work with the PNGAA’s production designer to produce Kundu and ensure “the quality of our extraordinary product. If you always wanted to be a journalist, and have a sense of curiosity, then this is for you!”

To do this job, you’ll need to be computer literate and experienced in writing and editing. A knowledge of PNG’s history and current state “would be handy.”

The events coordinator will initiate and manage social events and will need organisational and networking skills.

The public officer does not have to be a committee member but must be a resident of NSW. The public officer is the official point of contact for the PNGAA and has custody of documents required by the constitution.

The PNGAA says, “The turmoil in PNG this past week has been very disappointing, and we are thinking about how the underlying issues could be improved. Good relations and understanding between Australia and PNG are crucial, and this is where the PNGAA can play a part. The PNGAA will only thrive if fresh ideas and enthusiastic support are manifested for our journal, website, and activities. We cannot stress enough the need for volunteers to join the Management Committee to share the jobs that need doing.”

So if you believe you can assist this decent and impressive organisation at any level, contact one of these people:

• Andrea – coordinator@pngaa.net

• Murrough – treasurer@pngaa.net

• Kylee – admin@pngaa.net

KELA KAPKORA SIL BOLKIN

Sil Bolkin – author, essayist & devoted servant of the PNG people

PORT MORESBY – Jesus, the only son of God, was born into a poor family in a small town. Indeed, he was born in a shed meant for animals.

God allowed his son to be born in a cowshed because he wanted the world to know His son was a gift to everyone, not just the rich and powerful.

Jesus could have been born in a palace, but God wanted a statement of lowliness, humility, and simplicity.

Furthermore, that it was three shepherds who saw baby Jesus first is also a revelation that God includes people of any status in His plans.

Shepherds were among the poorest and humblest people in society, yet they were the first persons the angels told of the good news of the saviour’s birth.

These scenarios, just two among many, show that God’s grace is not based on status but on loving choice. He calls upon everyone to respond with faith, obedience, and devotion, just as the shepherds did.

The humility, compassion, and courage of Jesus’s life and eventual death on the cross are lessons that most politicians need to understand.

Their leadership should be based on humility, compassion, courage, and devotion to God and the people.

But here we are on one of the calendar’s most auspicious days, and our politicians continue to give us chest-beating, bad faith, and sheer dishonesty.

At the same time, we are deluged by Santa Clauses and adapted Christmas carols that promote a culture of spending, self-gratification, and greed.

In truth, this is a time when we need to step out of the fast lane and reflect on the true meaning of God becoming a man.

This act of stepping aside and reflecting on their bad decisions, poor behaviour, and corrupt practices could be a noble deed over the festive season.

Just as in today’s world, hoarding, squandering, and self-gratification were part of how the Roman Empire conducted itself, as had the many empires that preceded Rome.

Despite the words of Jesus, the masses were exploited by the Romans as slaves, labourers, and soldiers. At a big table within fortresses built by the masses, the rulers, nobles, and officers wined, dined, and listened to the popular songs of the day.

God became intolerant of this and allowed Jesus to descend from heaven to preach justice, harmony, and sharing. His aim was to liberate the masses and create a peaceful and equal society where everyone could participate in elections and benefit from the decisions of better governance.

In Papua New Guinea 1,975 years later, the founding fathers made sure that Christian principles were enshrined in the Constitution so politicians and other leaders would work to share the new nation’s abundant resources and ensure the masses would be better off.

But this did not turn out the way the founding fathers wanted; instead, the masses were left out in the cold.

The politicians tried to portray themselves as true Christians by inviting the Pope to PNG. He came. They also brought Pastor Benny Hinns and paid him a million dollars for the privilege. They also hosted the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Rowan Williams, and the global leader of the Seventh Day Adventist Church.

Later, a politician, believing himself pious, decided that the totem poles that adorn parliament should be destroyed because they were ‘Pagan’. He and his cohorts then purchased a 400-year-old Bible, believing that it would weave the magic required to eliminate corruption.

How easy it was to blame their dismal performance as elected leaders on totem poles and parliamentary architecture. These acts did not reduce corruption, but at least some smart people saved the totems and other artefacts.

As if these poor ideas were not enough, the current politicians decided to spend K5 million on consultations, out of which PNG was declared to be a Christian country.

An intelligent and rational mind would have to agree that the Christian principles enshrined in the preamble to PNG’s Constitution should be enough to strengthen affiliation to Christianity. But these principles were never seriously implemented.

These days, 50% of our people control just 1% of our wealth. The top 10% own 88% of our wealth. The 40% in the middle have 11%.

Despite all the Christian affiliations, invitations, prayers, and movements, PNG’s masses continue to be deprived of their fair share of the nation’s wealth.

Our nation has abundant wealth. Most of our people benefit little from it.

The vicissitudes of time have created a political class which are said to practice Christianity and uphold democracy.

In reality, things are chaotic. The poverty and ethnic clashes are not at all what God and the founding fathers tried to stitch up.

Our politicians and their cronies pray in the mornings and spend the rest of each day making deals and receiving kickbacks. When they get home in the evenings, they pray again. It can’t do any harm.

And they present themselves as hard-working, heeding the decorum of democracy and flawless in the eyes of God.

In truth, their self-indulgence tramples on the masses who elected them. The masses are denied the benefits that are their due. Instead, they are forced to forage for the services and assistance they need.

The relatively few who are employed are over-taxed by a government that is perpetually broke, and they are left with no cash or savings to fall back on when the economy tanks.

They labour to fetch containers of water from a faraway tap. The cash often doesn’t stretch to even buy a packet of rice. They have to bribe police officers to attend to a crime. And they pay hefty fees when their sick child is ferried to hospital in a government ambulance.

God became man to liberate the oppressed so the masses could partake and enjoy the full benefits of what life offers to humanity.

Today, Christmas Day, is an opportune time for politicians and their cronies to try to understand the true meaning of God becoming man.

They need to recall that working their way into the corridors of Heaven requires them to do good deeds and provide service leadership to the people. Together, we can build a more prosperous and sustainable future for our nation.

Stephen Charteris on Bougainville, PNG, and Nation-Building

Stephen Charteris | Cairns

I have not read Gordon Peake’s book, Unsung Land, Aspiring Nation, but find his observations, as reported by Professor Stephen Howes in his article Confessions of an Adviser, most instructive.

Peake’s comments about Bougainville resonate loud and clear. In my view, they could just as validly be applied to any province in Papua New Guinea or the Solomon Islands.

If that is a fair call, what does it tell us about the stated aim of Australia’s new aid program?

Disconnect Between Clans, Land, and Nation-Building

Peake is correct when he ascribes the disconnect between PNG’s clans, land, and culture, and the activities of those responsible for implementing nation-building.

Papua New Guinea is a country comprising more than 6,000 clan groups, 836 languages, and 22 provinces. Absent from this description is the fact that more than 90% of the land and much of PNG’s productive waters are under the unalienable ownership of clans—tightly knit communities that have maintained their culture, language, and independent way of life for centuries.

At least 85% of the population of nine million lives on clan land passed down through generations and governed by traditional practices.

The traditional clan ownership of land is a potent social influence. While land is often described as communal, in reality decisions affecting allocation and use are in the hands of traditionally powerful families. Land is rarely occupied successfully without their approval.

For the foreseeable future, the majority of the population will remain dependent upon clan land to build houses, grow food, raise their children, and make a little money.

Obligations and Social Responsibilities

The use of clan land comes with obligations. In keeping with time-honoured practice, everyone who receives permission to use land is bound to acknowledge the traditional custodial line through feast giving and other acts of reciprocity.

For most rural and urban dwellers, meeting these obligations to maintain access and continued tenure for their family and descendants is central to their lives. Maintaining land rights is a lifelong duty that places public servants under unrelenting pressure to meet obligations from clan members.

It is not unusual for public servants to be more occupied with this than with government business.

Government Services and Constraints

Peake reports that the Bougainville government—responsible for delivering education, health, law and order, and infrastructure services—is “broke.” The same could be said for the provincial administrations of the other 21 provinces.

Given this, the machinery of government, particularly at the local level where services are delivered, has little impact on the lives of most rural people. Nearly five decades after independence, most rural communities remain without reliable access to essential services.

Where does this leave our understanding of government, governance, and services delivered for the common good?

In truth, envisioning a government agency staffed with people who deliver value-for-money outcomes without prejudice, fear, or favour is magical thinking. Further, it is unrealistic to expect cash-strapped authorities to deliver these services without significant input from those whose lives they aim to improve.

The model of service delivery, instigated before independence, is a creation of a foreign power and, like the introduction of the cane toad to Queensland, has proven inappropriate for the environment.

One flaw was assuming that public servants’ powers, operating through an alien model, carry authority in a customary setting—they do not. Many government workers understand that their roles are largely ineffective without community participation and ownership.

Peake notes:

“It was difficult to find someone (of like mind) to work with” and “there wasn’t any interest in facilitating effective government.”

I would ask: “Effective” from whose perspective, in whose worldview?

Effective Aid and Community Participation

Peake also observes that water and sanitation projects tend to be more impactful and effective. This is unsurprising, as these activities deliver benefits that communities actually want.

He wonders: if independence is unlikely to materially improve the lives of Bougainvilleans, why did 98% vote for it?

There are several reasons for this overwhelming vote:

• The land and resources of their ancestors are considered a vital inheritance.

• Experiences with foreign workers on plantations and mines have reinforced the desire for local control.

• The environmental impact of foreign-owned mines—poisoned land, rivers, and reefs—creates a strong desire to manage such developments.

• Royalties paid to distant governments that mismanaged their land strengthen the call for independence.

Rethinking Australia’s Aid Strategy

Where does this leave Australia’s stated aim of focusing aid policy on building effective, accountable states capable of sustaining their own development?

Riding roughshod over traditional societies in PNG or the Solomons in the interests of mining is not the solution. The historical top-down, one-size-fits-all model that has existed for nearly 50 years has failed the majority of the population.

There is a need for clans to play a valuable role in nation-building. They should contribute to the services they desire—services the government cannot provide alone. Reciprocal nation-building partnerships can create economic opportunities, engage youth, and strengthen service delivery across multiple locations.

As a starting point, Canberra should listen more earnestly to genuine stakeholders before launching another generational round of initiatives that history shows may cause more harm than good.

Stephen Howes on Unsung Land, Aspiring Nation

Stephen Howes | DevPolicy Blog

Gordon Peake’s book, Unsung Land, Aspiring Nation, is based on his four years in Bougainville (2016–2019) as an Australian aid-funded adviser. The book is both entertaining and insightful, vividly portraying Arawa, Bougainville’s once-booming, now decaying mining town.

A major preoccupation is Beatrice Blackwood, the pioneering British anthropologist who spent 18 months in Bougainville around 1930. Her letters, book, and adventures are brought vividly to life.

Peake’s role was to help the Bougainville government “draw down” powers already agreed by the PNG national government. Despite aspirations for independence, the Bougainville government showed little interest in this process, leaving Peake questioning his effectiveness.

“[W]e were here to help, but were we helping?”

Grants for water and sanitation projects had more tangible benefits, as communities desired them. Peake stresses that advisers can only be effective when paired with local partners willing and able to act on advice.

The Bougainville government was “stone-broke” and “inert,” and structural issues in the public service made it difficult to find willing collaborators. Peake describes his work as “long-haul, much needed, foundational but unheralded.”

The lack of interest in state-building reflects the region’s social structure, especially the dominance of clans. Politicians are elected on local, not national issues, making sustained nation-building difficult.

If independence will not materially change Bougainvilleans’ lives, why did 98.3% vote for it?

Peake suggests a strong Bougainvillean identity exists, but it is insufficient to support full nation-building. Disillusionment usually follows independence, but in Bougainville, the drawn-out path to independence has reversed this sequence. Fifteen years of “cheerless peace” have passed since the civil war, leaving a “pensive sadness” over much of the region.

Postscript

Charteris reflects on aid-funded training for Bougainvillean public servants and MPs, aiming to develop “ethical and accountable leaders capable of delivering equitable government services.” Peake notes the lure of aid-funded trips sometimes drives bureaucratic decisions in Bougainville.

Ian Poole on the 29th Australia-PNG Ministerial Forum

Ian Poole | Far North Queensland

The 29th Australia-Papua New Guinea ministerial forum in Canberra, co-chaired by Justin Tkatchenko and Senator Penny Wong, featured ministers from both countries.

The forum included a televised press conference with Australia’s Foreign Minister Penny Wong and PNG’s Deputy Prime Minister John Rosso and Foreign Minister Justin Tkatchenko.

Poole notes that Ms Wong repeatedly mispronounced “Papua,” highlighting the importance of correct pronunciation in diplomatic protocol.

Lino Eaki: Empowering Women Entrepreneurs

Lino Eaki | UNDP PNG Newsletter

In Port Moresby, Lino Eaki established Steppingstone Preschool after participating in a six-week entrepreneurship program facilitated by the United Nations Development Programme and Credit Union Foundation Australia.

The program provided training in digital marketing, financial management, customer experience, logistics, and mentoring, helping her grow her school and improve services for working-class families.

Terence Wood on Australian Aid

Terence Wood | DevPolicy Blog

Less than 1% of Australian government spending is devoted to aid. Its effects are felt abroad and rarely noticed domestically.

Wood summarises research showing public opinion influences high-level aid decisions, with variations over time influenced by events such as COVID-19. Survey experiments show that informing Australians about aid initiatives increases support for aid.

Despite a history of hostility toward aid, recent years have seen a shift toward more positive attitudes, especially following the pandemic.

Quote from PNG experience:

“Your young chaps in New Guinea have gone out where I would never have gone without a battalion, and they have done on their own by sheer force of character what I could only do with troops. I don’t think there has been anything like it in the modern world.”

Papua New Guinea: Environment, Society, and Development Challenges

Kanni Wignaraja & Dirk Wagener | United Nations Development Programme

PNG’s Natural Wealth

PORT MORESBY – Papua New Guinea’s natural beauty is undeniable. Home to lush tropical rainforests, magnificent mountains, and pristine islands and seas, PNG is one of the world’s 17 megadiverse countries, accounting for about five percent of global biodiversity.

A little-known fact is that the country’s rainforest is the third largest in the world. PNG also lies at the heart of the Coral Triangle – a region home to 76% of all known coral species.

Climate change and unsustainable growth threaten these natural assets, which the people of PNG have enjoyed for thousands of years. Generations to come should enjoy them too.

Sipora Naraga, a resident of Aromot Island – an atoll off the coast of Umboi Island in the Vitiaz Strait of Morobe Province – laments what has come to pass.

“Our island is smaller now than it was before,” she says, referring to rising sea levels.
“The soil isn’t fertile like it used to be, we can’t grow anything here.”

Sipora’s story highlights the impacts of climate change, deforestation, and land and water degradation on lives, homes, and livelihoods. Repeated resettlement is often part of this reality.

PNG’s Economy and Environmental Challenges

PNG’s abundant natural assets underpin its potential to develop an ‘ecosystem services’ economy based on fisheries, tourism, and renewable energy. Yet much of the country’s recent growth has been fueled by hydrocarbon-based industrialization and the extractives industry.

In 2019, extractives made up over a quarter of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) and accounted for 88% of its export revenues. However, much of the population has not benefitted from these revenues.

The mostly subsistence-based agriculture, forestry, and fishing sectors account for a quarter of GDP and support over 80% of the population.

Recognizing threats to its marine and terrestrial environment and acknowledging its global role in climate action, the PNG government has made several international commitments and advanced domestic legislation and policies. Implementation, however, has fallen short of intent and ambition.

Valuing Nature’s Contribution

The report “Making Nature’s Value Visible: Valuing the Contribution of Nature to Papua New Guinea’s Economy and Livelihoods”, published by the PNG Conservation and Environment Protection Authority (CEPA) and UNDP, provides key insights:

• PNG invests approximately K112 million per year in environmental protection (0.5% of government spending).

• The total economic value of its natural environment is estimated at K1 trillion per year, 13 times the 2020 GDP.

• For every Kina invested in environmental protection, nature provides K9,800 in ecosystem services (James Cook University, Australia).

Path to a Sustainable Future

PNG’s development imperative is clear: pivot the economy toward its most abundant resource, the natural environment. Key actions include:

• Moving rapidly to renewable energy.

• Implementing sustainable agriculture and fisheries practices at scale.

• Restoring and regenerating marine and terrestrial environments.

These sectors employ the majority of Papua New Guineans, directly impacting livelihoods. Sustainably produced commodities such as coffee and cocoa may improve opportunities for residents like Sipora Naraga. Expanding the Protected Area network and implementing the Protected Area Policy will also pay dividends.

With foresight and nature-based solutions, PNG can lead the transition to a green and blue economy.

Population Concerns and Social Fragility

Population Estimates Raise Alarms

BEN PACKHAM & TICKY FULLERTON | The Australian

CANBERRA – A new United Nations study estimates Papua New Guinea’s population could be 17 million – almost double the official estimate. This has implications for living standards and national stability:

• Per capita income could drop from $3,230 (K7,700) to about $1,770 (K4,200).

• This puts PNG on par with African states such as Sudan and Senegal.

Australian and PNG officials expressed concern over service provision, unemployment, and governance challenges. UN methodologies used satellite modeling, housing data, and household surveys to reach the estimate.

Impacts on Services and Governance

Paul Barker, Executive Director of PNG’s Institute of National Affairs, noted that unemployment and weak state capacity contribute to community unrest. Vast areas of PNG rely on churches and tribal structures for cohesion.

Development Intelligence Lab CEO Bridi Rice stated that the population increase could exacerbate poverty, state fragility, and violence. Healthcare and education delivery could be severely affected, with only one doctor per 10,000 people and one nurse or midwife per 2,000.

Perspectives on Development

PHILIP FITZPATRICK

TUMBY BAY – Many traditional societies, including PNG, were historically democratic. What these countries now need are governments that uphold the democracies they once knew.

Western-style commercial development can lead to societal inequity, benefiting elites while marginalizing the majority. Genuine improvements in living standards include universal education, health services, and agricultural improvements, rather than material acquisition.

The Impact of Neo-Liberalism

Neo-liberal economic policies favor wealth concentration and unregulated growth, often causing environmental and social harm. PNG’s challenges highlight the dangers of imposing externally driven development models without local alignment.

Good vs. Bad Development

Underdeveloped countries must carefully evaluate foreign development offers. Education and healthcare assistance are welcomed, but projects like mining, deforestation, or labor export can have destructive consequences.

PNGAA Scholarship Initiative

CHRIS PEARSALL | President PNGAA

SYDNEY – The Papua New Guinea Association of Australia (PNGAA) has established a scholarship fund for secondary students in West Sepik Province.

• Two students (one male, one female) were selected for Anguganak High School.

• Glenda Giles, a retired educator, liaises between the PNGAA and the school.

• Donations are managed responsibly, and student progress is regularly reported.

The initiative aims to expand scholarships as funding permits, supporting education in underprivileged regions.

Preserving Enga Culture

TONY SULUPIN

Book: Beauty of Enga Culture: Untold Stories (2022, 206 pages, ISBN: 9798364376510)

After working in plantation supervision, Tony Sulupin founded the Lagaip Poverty Relievers Association to support local communities. He initiated the Lagaip Sangai Festival to showcase cultural heritage and established the Pilikambi Traditional Salt Art Festival.

The book explores Enga traditions, myths, rituals, and practices, highlighting the cultural resilience and environmental stewardship of Enga communities. It is intended as a resource for students, researchers, and anyone interested in PNG’s diverse cultures.

Empowering Bougainville Entrepreneurs

NEWS DESK | United Nations Development Program

PORT MORESBY – Francesca Semoso and Roslyn Kenneth led the first Bougainville Entrepreneurship and Innovation Course, supporting 46 aspiring entrepreneurs.

• Focused on women and youth.

• Encouraged innovative business ideas and productive group formation.

• UNDP also trained 60 public service officials to tackle corruption.

These initiatives aim to strengthen governance, investment, and community trust in Bougainville.

Sustainable Land-Use in New Britain

NEWS DESK | United Nations Development Program

PORT MORESBY – A project launched in West New Britain promotes sustainable land-use management:

• Addresses threats from forest loss and agricultural conversion.

• Focuses on cocoa and palm oil production.

• Implements knowledge-sharing, finance access, and nature-based solutions.

Edward Vrkic, UNDP Deputy Resident Representative, emphasizes collaboration among government, private sector, and communities for sustainable economic development.

Transnational Crime in the Pacific

ERICH PARPART | Voice of America

BANGKOK – The Pacific Islands are increasingly used as transit points for transnational crime, including drug trafficking and money laundering.

• Criminal organizations exploit limited law enforcement resources.

• Drug problems are rising in tourist destinations like Fiji and Palau.

• Indigenous criminal networks facilitate operations in PNG, Fiji, Tonga, the Marshall Islands, and Northern Marianas.

Experts call for regional cooperation and capacity-building to counter the threat.

Fragile States and Governance

NEMATULLAH BIZHAN

PORT MORESBY – Fragile states, including PNG, are vulnerable to collapse, violence, famine, and economic distress.

• State fragility is linked to weak capacity, legitimacy, and authority.

• Threats include terrorism, trafficking, pandemics, and mass migration.

The book State Fragility: Case Studies and Comparisons examines seven countries, analyzing context, drivers of fragility, policy responses, and lessons learned. Resilience exists at local, national, and sectoral levels, but nuanced approaches are essential.

PNG’s Path Toward Green Development

DIRK WAGENER | UNDP Resident Representative

PORT MORESBY – Humanity faces climate and development crises, with global HDI declining for the first time in decades.

• UNDP promotes renewable energy, digital access, and innovation in PNG.

• Bougainville Innovation Hubs support entrepreneurship, women, and youth.

• Investments in human capital, health, education, and sustainable practices are critical.

The future is uncertain, but PNG can thrive by embracing innovation, green energy, and nature-based solutions.